Why are Palestinians still refugees after 77 years?¶

Short answer: by design — a design with three named parts, each documented, and one of them Palestinian.

The three parts [each tagged]¶

Host-state doctrine: the Arab League directed member states in 1959 (Resolution 1547) to withhold citizenship from Palestinian refugees "to preserve the Palestinian entity" and the right of return; Lebanon wrote "no tawtin" (no naturalization/implantation) into its constitutional framework at Taif; Egypt cited the League position as late as 2004 to carve Palestinians out of its own nationality reform. Only Jordan broke ranks — its 1954 Nationality Law mass-naturalized the 1948 refugees, the only Arab state ever to do it [VERIFIED — the instruments named in Document 36]
The agency architecture: UNRWA registration is heritable through the male line, voluntary, and has no cessation clause — unlike the UNHCR system, where resettlement or naturalization ends refugee status. So the register only grows: ~700–750,000 (1948) → 5.9 million today — regardless of where people actually live. Lebanon is the extreme case: ~488,000 on the rolls against 174,000–222,000 actually present, by the 2017 Lebanese census and UNRWA's own 2025 verification [VERIFIED — both primary]
Palestinian politics: the PLO itself has opposed naturalization (tawtin) for decades as extinguishing the right of return, with refugee polling to match. The status is, in part, deliberately preserved by its holders' own leadership — a pawn does not co-author its own condition [DOCUMENTED — PLO positions, PSR polling]

The comparison that frames it [VERIFIED]¶

The same war's Jewish refugees from Arab lands (~820–900,000, ~586,000 to Israel) were absorbed with automatic citizenship by a state under food rationing — transit camps closed by 1963. The region itself had naturalized Armenian genocide survivors (1924) and Circassians before. Jordan proved it could be done with Palestinians. Absorption was never a question of capacity; three neighboring states gave three different answers to the same question — Jordan's citizenship, Syria's rights-without-citizenship (Law 260/1956), Lebanon's exclusion regime (profession bans, the 2001 property-ownership ban, camps under army checkpoints).

The honest completions [the method]¶

The "weapon against Israel" reading is substantially documented — UNRWA's own Jordan director wrote in 1952 that the Arab states wanted the problem kept "as an open sore... and as a weapon against Israel" (Lt. Gen. Sir Alexander Galloway — the quote is real; the common "Ralph Galloway, 1958" attribution is wrong, and this site uses only the corrected one) — and hosts treated the population instrumentally whenever politics shifted: Kuwait expelled ~350–400,000 over Arafat's Saddam alignment (1991); Gaddafi expelled ~30,000 explicitly to protest Oslo (1995) [VERIFIED]
But "designed by the Arab world" overstates one design: Lebanon's exclusion serves its own sectarian arithmetic at least as much as any anti-Israel purpose, and Jordan falsifies the monolith. Three motives braided: leverage against Israel, host domestic politics, and Palestinian national strategy [DOCUMENTED — graded in Document 36]
And the sharpest critique is Palestinian: preserving the right-of-return claim never required Lebanon's rights-denial — a point made by Palestinian scholars (Sari Hanafi, Abbas Shiblak) and the Palestinian policy network Al-Shabaka, which has proposed that Palestine itself extend citizenship to its refugees. The rights-denial built on the doctrine has fallen on the refugees, not on Israel [DOCUMENTED — attributed]

The dispatch test for this page: ask which clause is disputed — the League resolution, the registration rules, the PLO's position, or Lebanon's Law 296. None of them is. The full ledger — including the region's other refugee populations, held to one standard — is in Document 36.

Go deeper: Refugees in the Middle East — Status, Rights, and the Absorption Ledger · What is UNRWA? · Were Jews expelled from Arab countries?